Is The President Partisan?

PRESIDENT Abdur Rahman Biswas may have many virtues, but he lacks one quality expected of a man holding the highest office—decisiveness.

For most of two years, when Bangladesh was engulfed in a prolonged political crisis, he did nothing to resolve it despite appeals from all quarters. When he finally did take some initiative, it proved to be half-hearted and produced nothing.

So when he abruptly dismissed Army Chief Lt Gen. Abu Saleh Mohammad Nasim on May 20, through an unscheduled televised speech, it stunned the nation, raising questions about what prompted the otherwise docile President to act in such a bold and peremptory manner.

The immediate reason, according to President Biswas, was Gen. Nasim's refusal to implement a presidential order seeking the removal of two senior army officers the day before. "Not only did he disobey my instructions, he even ordered troops loyalto him to march towards Dhaka, which amounts to rebellion against the Government," said the President. The rebellion was immediately put down without any bloodshed and Gen. Nasim, along with at least a dozen of his alleged accomplices, including two major generals and five brigadiers, were arrested, putting an end to the high drama that transfixed Bangladesh for two days.

바카라 웹사이트The Government has constituted a high-powered inquiry committee to look into the episode. The assumption of command by the acting Army chief Maj. Gen. Mahabubur Rahman, quickly restored order in the military. At the same time, the tanks sent earlier to protect Banga Bhaban, the presidential palace, have disappeared from the streets. But despite the air of normalcy, public anxiety remains high.

The foremost question facing the public is why Gen. Nasim defied the President. The friction between the two ensued when the President, who is also the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, sent two senior officers—Maj. Gen. G.H. Morshed Khan, commander of the Bogra army division in the north, and Brigadier Miran Hamidur Rahman, deputy chief of the paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles—into forced retirement on May 18 without consulting the army chief. Dismayed by the action, Gen. Nasim reportedly requested the President to reconsider his decision saying that it was not in accordance with the army rules. When the President refused, Gen. Nasim asked the officers to continue in their respective positions.

While no reason was cited at that time for the officers' abrupt retirement, the President later explained that he did so after receiving reports of their involvement in anti-military activities. Gen. Nasim had broken army discipline, but in an interview to the BBC he said that he had not intended to undermine the Presidency, but only wanted to point out the unfairness of the way in which his officers were asked to retire.

바카라 웹사이트The question being asked was whether the President, a titular head, can act unilaterally in taking such decisions. Under normal circumstances, he cannot. But a controversial constitutional amendment has placed the defence portfolio under the President which empowers him to act on his own initiative if needed. The President's action has again focused attention on the 13th constitutional amendment, enacted secretly in the absence of Opposition MPs by Khaleda Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) days before her forced resignation on March 31.

바카라 웹사이트The amendment caused an uproar when it became public, arousing suspicion that it was passed to enable the President—a BNP person—to use this power for partisan purposes. Although the initial uproar subsided after the neutral caretaker government of former chief justice Habibur Rehman began functioning, the President's recent actions have reinforced this suspicion further.

What really surprised independent observers was why the President chose to exercise his power at a time when the country is preparing to hold general elections on June 12. "This was clearly done as part of a deep-rooted conspiracy to sabotage the forthcoming polls by undermining the authority of the caretaker administration," said Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina. Addressing a press conference on May 23, she questioned the role of the President in the whole episode and demanded that he inform the people what prompted his action. She specifically demanded that the President name the political parties to which the two retired army officers are alleged to have passed secret information.

바카라 웹사이트The BNP's reaction has lent credence to the conspiracy theory. It is the only party which publicly hailed the President's action, going to the extent of raising slogans like "Don't be afraid, we're with you".

Although there is no evidence suggesting that President Biswas acted at Khaleda Zia's behest, her recent utterances have led many to believe that she might have played a key role in the latest drama enacted on the streets of Dhaka. She has publicly accused the caretaker government of being unfair and threatened to boycott the elections. She, however, failed to give any concrete evidence of the caretaker government's unfairness in an interview to the BBC. Earlier, at a recent meeting of her sup- porters, she is said to have boasted that it wouldn't be very difficult for her to cast out the caretaker administration "with a single push". Her presence in Dhaka, cancelling scheduled campaign appearances outside the capital during the two days of the high drama, has also led to much speculation. "We want to know why she abruptly cancelled her programmes and stayed back in Dhaka," asks Mohammed Hanif, president of the Dhaka city Awami League.

Rasheed Khan Menon, head of the Workers’ Party, who happens to be a close relative of President Biswas, severely criticised the President and questioned the motives behind his actions.

바카라 웹사이트How does the Bangladesh administration view the situation? While the executive powers are vested in the caretaker government, it appears to have received a jolt by the recent happenings. In an apparent attempt to distance himself from the President's actions, its head, Justice Habibur Rehman, said in a nationally televised speech that the President acted on his own and he had no role in it, discounting Biswas' assertion that he was consulted beforehand in the matter. This lends credence to the growing speculation that a rift has developed between the President and the caretaker administration, which in turn casts doubts on whether elections will be held as scheduled.바카라 웹사이트

A report in the country's largest circulated daily, Ittefaq, said that the advisory council under Justice Rehman had decided to reassert its authority and said it would not hesitate to go public over any interference with its duties. Apparently shaken by the report, President Biswas told American Ambassador David N. Merrill, who visited him on May 22, that he was committed to holding the elections on time and peacefully. But scepticism continues.

According to observers, timely elections would depend largely on the President and the army. Several political parties have already demanded that the army should not be called in during the elections. They fear that its presence could influence the voters in favour of "a certain political party". The caretaker administration is also reconsidering its decision to use the army —a move that is likely to anger the BNP.However, there is growing speculation here that the BNP might have been one of the major players in the drama, which was enacted to create confusion aimed at postponing the polls following reports from across the country that their electoral prospects were dim.

The recent induction into the Awami League of several retired officers including the former army chief, Lt Gen. Nuruddin Khan, former air chief, A.K. Khandkar and Maj. Gen. Abdus Salaam has vastly improved the Awami League's chances in the next elections, say observers. General Khan's joining has a special significance. Widely known to be right-of-centre, he was almost certain to join the BNP. But belying all speculations, he instead received a nomination from the Awami League.

Observers also discount reports that the two army officers who were ordered to be retired were sympathetic to the Awami League. President Biswas, as Sheikh Hasina said, never identified the political party. Observers also do not feel that Gen. Nasim was against the BNP. After all he had been appointed by Khaleda Zia, superseding two other officers in August 1994.

바카라 웹사이트But for now President Biswas has been put on the defensive. The caretaker government not only distanced itself from the President's action, but also asked for the withdrawal of all army personnel from Dhaka streets. In response, all army presence disappeared from the capital's streets on May 24.

The army has been a powerful player in Bangladesh's political history since the country's birth in 1971. There have been several coups and coup attempts since then and the country has seen prolonged army rule, which ended only in 1990. The western powers, especially the US, have made it clear that all foreign aid to Bangladesh will stop if the army seizes power again.

But when the army and the executive quarrel in Dhaka, it causes a lot of misgiving not only in the country but in the capitals of the region and the world.