Moving Beyond Islam

THE lush green Margalla Hills resounded with loud cries of "Allah-o-Akbar", as thousands of Jamaat-e-Islami workers gathered for a three-day convention calling for a quick revolution and an end to the "corrupt and inefficient" government of prime minister Nawaz Sharif. "When people rise from every street, neighbourhood, city and town, this dilapidated system will automatically crumble and give way. We have to tell the people which leadership can take care of the country and which cannot. Even the greatest of evil forces surrenders when confronted with a mass awareness. The present system will also give way. If not, it will be compelled to do so, after it has been subjugated," warned Qazi Hussain Ahmed, Ameer, Jamaat-e-Islami.

"Inqilab, inqilab," the loud speakers echoed while the government looked the other way. Islamabad had never seen anything like this. Last fortnight the Jamaat literally took over the capital as they pitched in their tents and turned the area opposite Faisal mosque into a little village for their annual meeting. This massive congregation of the country's largest rightist party sent shivers down the collective spine of the diplomatic community which asked the government for extra security.

The Jamaat was not apologetic about its street power, which has no parallel in Pakistan and can only be matched by the army. But for now Qazi Hussain says he is patient. "If we want, we can go and occupy the Parliament House and government offices but we do not want to do so. Believe me, there is nothing that can stop us. Now the next change will not be introduced by these Pindiwalas (army), but by Jamaat and the people," the Qazi told the highly charged gathering.

Significantly, the Qazi's men have kept away from sectarian killings; compared to the other militant Islamist groups, it is almost 'docile', preaching moderation. Unlike fundamentalist Islam as practiced in Afghanistan, the convention took a step forward and called for legitimising the rights of women and spelled out a charter of women's rights, thus shedding its earlier conservative approach.

The Jamaat also drove home the point that they are the most disciplined religious-cum-political party in the country. This is one of the reasons why Nawaz Sharif, unlike Benazir Bhutto in the past, did not even bother to tell them to choose any site other than the federal capital. Besides, the government knew that with its waning authority and the writ of the state continuously challenged, it was in no position to oppose the convention. Instead the local administration went out of its way to accommodate the Jamaat.

"In trying to re-position itself in Pakistan's politics, the Jamaat has more to do in terms of both eliciting broader electoral support as well as fashioning workable solutions to Pakistan's problems. It also needs to demonstrate more convincingly than it has in the past that its commitment to democratic politics means respect for pluralism in all its dimensions," wrote the English daily The News.

UNLIKE the Muslim League, which maintained a stony silence over the Jamaat's utterances, the military establishment reacted sharply to the Qazi's charges. Not that it dampened his spirits. "What I have said was that people think that the generals are not corps commanders but crore commanders. I have made a statement on the basis of a principle. Islam pleads for law, justice and accountability across the board, including in Pakistan's armed forces.In Islam there should be accountability of all. As the Pakistan army has jihad, iman and taqwa as its motto, its commanders are equally accountable. Mine is a well-considered statement after consultation at the Jamaat-e-Islami shoora," the Qazi challenged the GHQ.

Indeed, there was simply no stopping the Qazi. For good reason too. The Jamaat has lost too much time waiting in the wings. The time is right. The people are disappointed with the PPP and the PML leadership and may be willing to give a chance to an alternative but clean leadership. The Qazi is hoping to fill this vacuum and start by taking over the reins of the opposition leadership from a completely disenchanted and personally hamstrung Benazir Bhutto.

Besides, the Qazi has realised that he has to promise the people more than just religion. Even this plank has been snatched from him—first by Benazir Bhutto with her veil and prayer beads and then by Nawaz Sharif who has tried to bring in his own바카라 웹사이트 brand of Islamisation. This probably accounts for the Jamaat's gradual shift from projecting itself as a religious party to its current endeavour to become a mainstream party with cross-over appeal.

The Jamaat had boycotted the 1997 elections for fear of being completely wiped out at the polls. As the elections turned out to be completely one-sided, in hindsight this appears to have been a wise move. But historically the Jamaat has taken a beating in every election that it has contested. Critics have gone to the extent of saying that voters in Pakistan are against rightist parties and that the thousands that collected in Islamabad were the entire vote-bank of the Jamaat.

The critics have a point. The Jamaat has been completely wiped out from its old stronghold of Karachi and neighbouring Hyderabad where the MQM flag now flies high. In Punjab, the PML has swept the past elections, with Balochistan still in the hands of tribal and feudal groups. It is only in the NWFP, the province the Qazi hails from, that his party enjoys some electoral support. But this too is fast eroding as, together with PPP and PML, other right-wing parties are putting up a spirited fight.

Ostensibly none of this has dampened enthusiasm in the Jamaat ranks. "We would not encourage those who are looking for back doors. We believe in electoral politics. We do not want anarchy because it may lead to the disintegration of the country. We also do not want the army or any other force to carry us to the corridors of power," announced Khurshid Ahmed, deputy chief of the Jamaat.

The only other way to bring about a quick end to the PML government is if the Jamaat joins forces with the combined opposition led by the PPP, turns to street agitation and demands fresh elections. Though elected for a five-year term, the dismal and pathetic two-year track record of Nawaz Sharif is indicative in itself that the nation cannot suffer any more.

바카라 웹사이트Meanwhile, the Jamaat has not stopped working on its pet causes. At the convention, it made no bones about its policy of supporting Kashmiri mujahideen. In fact, the Qazi openly welcomed leaders of Harkat-ul-Islam who attended the convention and announced that three of their men had broken out of the Jammu jail. The announcement was greeted with loud cheers. Also invited were Syed Ali Gee-lani, of the Kashmir-based Hurriyat Conference, but he did not get permission from New Delhi to travel.

"We as Muslims will not accept any secondary role in the world, though the western powers have been dictating to the world for the last 200 years. We do not accept Israeli hegemony in West Asia, we do not accept India's claim on Kashmir as its integral part and similarly we do not accept Europe's or the West's right to rule the world. It is not acceptable to Muslims," the Qazi later told a press conference.

What will be the fallout of all this on the Sharif-Bill Clinton summit later this year? Sharif could well try and impress on Clinton that unless the US bails him out, the fundamentalist lobby in Pakistan is ready to stake its claim. In fact, the Qazi cautioned Sharif to buy a one-way ticket to Washington if he decides to sign the CTBT. "Since no country will have a nuclear status under the NPT, CTBT and FMCT, Pakistan should not join these agreements," he argued.

Whether Sharif heeds these warnings or not, the convention has left some in Pakistan wondering if this is the only political force left with the skills to govern the country. The Jamaat today has come a long way from a cloistered religious party to one which is more liberal in its thought process than other religious parties—at least it tries to give that impression. But its success will depend on how the two largest political parties, the PPP and the PML, extricate themselves from the present turmoil.