Making A Difference

A Smooth Transition

Karamat's appointment has the support of major political parties

A Smooth Transition
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The nomination of the army chief is a closely watched event in the country. Since the army happens to be the most organ-ised and powerful institution in the country and has ruled it for nearly 25 years since 1947, the army chief has always tended to play an important role in the nation's politics. While Field Marshal Ayub Khan, General Yahya Khan and General Zia ul-Haq ruled the country, General Aslam Beg made life difficult for Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in her first term (1988-1990).

Happily, the current appointment, which takes effect from January 12, is free of controversy. Leghari has stuck to the seniority principle in nominating Karamat. So much so that even opposition leader Nawaz Sharif has termed it a good decision. Under the Constitution, the president reserves the right to appoint the army chief. It was generally believed that if the outgoing chief had accepted the offer of extension, made to him by Leghari and Benazir, it would have created resentment in the military and resulted in a controversy in political circles. In fact, Waheed is believed to have backed Karamat's appointment.

This smoothness has not characterised previous appointments. In a number of cases, candidates were picked from way down the hierarchy, superseding several senior officers. The most celebrated case is that of Zia, who was eighth on the seniority list when he was chosen to head the army by none other than the then prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Zia was to later overthrow Bhutto and hang him in a criminal case. Even Waheed became army chief by bypassing four generals when General Asif Nawaz died following a heart attack in January 1993. His appointment was not without acrimony because the then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan took the decision without consulting his prime minister, Nawaz Sharif.

This time around, Sharif had been opposing Waheed's extension. Though the outgoing chief is credited with keeping the army aloof from politics and is respected for his non-interference in political issues, Sharif bore a long-standing grudge against him. In 1993, Sharif was at odds with Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who had dismissed his government, and challenged the decision in the Supreme Court, which overruled the president's order and restored Sharif to power. This, however, did not end the constitutional impasse, which finally led to Waheed asking Sharif to resign. Elections were held and Benazir's Pakistan People's Party came to power.

Born on February 20, 1941, Karamat is admired within the army and outside for his professionalism in the post-Cold War era and in post-1988 Pakistan which has been grappling with a fledgling democracy. A graduate of the Command and Staff College and the National Defence College, he was commissioned in the Armoured Corps in October 1961 and has commanded the Multan Corps, an independent armoured brigade and an infantry division, besides holding staff and instructional appointments. He has also won top military honours.

As director general (military operations) under Aslam Beg, Karamat dealt with the acute rise in tensions with India as the Kashmir problem unfolded, the establishment of a hot line with India and the turmoil in Afghanistan after the Soviet withdrawal. He played a major role in concep-tualising and carrying out the Zarb-e-Momin exercises, which created new strategic defence concepts for the army.

J.N. Dixit, former Indian foreign secretary, who met Karamat during talks on the disengagement of forces in Siachen, described him as very "professional, matter of fact and not given to adventurism or unnecessary aggressiveness towards India. He came across as a person desiring to deal with critical situations in a clinical manner".

Important tasks await the new chief. He will have to handle the court martial of the officers who planned an abortive Islamic coup this September and to see that such tendencies do not spread further in the army. Then there is the monumental exercise of rebuilding public confidence in the army. Besides, his colleagues hope Kara-mat, who drives a modest Suzuki car, will set an example of austerity from the top. The fact that all eyes will be on him will not make it any easier for Karamat.

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