Says he: "It's really confusing. They all say they'll make our lives better if voted to power." Such assurances fail to cheer Moubarrak Hossain and others like him anymore. Through the years, politicians have kept few promises—making the people sceptical about the whole exercise. Though he plans to vote, he knows that "no matter who comes to power I'll continue to pedal my rickshaw."
바카라 웹사이트Sohrab Hossain, a banker, is not as fatalistic. Though he agrees with Moubarak Hossain that the election will hardly alter the country's socio-economic structure, he feels that a new government could bring a semblance of peace and stability that has eluded Bangladesh for nearly two years. All because of violent political strife between the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of former prime minister Khaleda Zia and the combined Opposition led by Awami League chief Sheikh Hasina.
But strangely, the manifestos of most of the political parties read the same. Except for the Jamaat-e-Islami which vows to turn Bangladesh into a theocratic state governed by Quranic laws, all the three major parties offer identical programmes as far as the social and economic policies are concerned.
The BNP, Awami League, and the Jatiya Party favour foreign investment to promote economic development. In terms of social development, they promise poverty alleviation, eradication of illiteracy and medical facilities. But all the manifestos lack specific details—of how they intend to accomplish these seemingly impossible tasks in one of the poorest countries in the world where illiteracy is around 70 per cent and medical facilities beyond the reach of more than 90 per cent of the population.
Surprisingly, though, these issues are not being discussed in any quarters except by professional bodies like the Bangladesh Economic Association and some other research groups. Says Prof. Serajul Islam Chowdhury, a leading commentator: "This election is being viewed primarily as an exercise aimed at resolving the political paralysis that virtually immobilised Bangladesh."바카라 웹사이트
But the exercise is proving to be difficult. Admits Hab-ibur Rahman, chief adviser of the caretaker government: "It's a gigantic task." A task made that much more difficult after last month's coup-of-sorts sparked off by the sacking of the army chief Lt Gen. Abu Saleh M. Nasim which nearly derailed the polls.
Rahman says elections will be held on schedule: "We've mustered all our resources to ensure a free and fair one". Chief Election Commissioner Abu Hena is equally optimistic. Charged with the task of organising an election with 54 million eligible voters, 85 political parties, more than 2,500 candidates contesting 300 seats, and nearly 26,000 polling stations, Hena, unlike his predecessor, has so far remained uncontroversial in performing his duties.
What has especially earned him plaudits is his handling of the most sensitive issue—that of deploying the army during the election. In a BBC interview, he made it clear that the army will be engaged only to aid the civil armoury charged with maintaining law and order and that it will be under the home ministry's control.
Rahman and Hena's assurances have helped the people gear up for the elections. In a recent survey conducted by the Power and Participations Research Centre, 68 per cent respondents said they are confident that the election will be free and fair.
The survey also reveals that the Awami League (31 per cent) has an edge over the BNP (29 per cent). Because of the neck-and-neck contest, few Bangladeshis are willing to predict what kind of government will be formed.
The predominant fear is about the reaction of the two major contenders—and whether they will accept the verdict with good grace. Says Bjorn Sternby, Swedish ambassador to Bangladesh: "I am concerned about the post-poll scenario. If either party refuses to accept the verdict, Bangladesh is going to return to the ominous days of chaos and immobility".
