What do you consider to have been your major achievements?
I am proud to have led the South Asia Bureau in bringing about a significant improvement in relations between the US and South Asian nations, but the responsibility is shared by others, in the US government in Washington, in our missions overseas, and in regional governments.
When I became Assistant Secretary for South Asian Affairs four years ago, relations with South Asian states, while showing some promise in the post-Cold War era, had not really taken off. I think that situation has changed substantially. The US is engaged with South Asia on many levels and across a wide spectrum of issues. Trade and investment have mushroomed, the pace and level of consultations on security, technological cooperation, environment and other issues have grown dramatically. South Asia has become a more frequent topic of discussion among our most senior policy-makers. I am confident these trends will continue.
How do you feel about South Asia's political and economic problems?
I am bullish on South Asia. There have been a number of positive trends. The resolutions of political crises in Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan have strengthened their democratic institutions. This says a lot about the commitment of South Asians to democracy. Market-oriented economic reforms have continued throughout the region and have attracted unprecedented levels of foreign investment. Americans are not the only businessmen with significant-ly increased interest in the region—Asians and Europeans are strong competitors.
I am also very encouraged by the trend towards greater communication and cooperation among South Asian countries. India, as the largest state in the region, has wisely taken the initiative to improve relations with its smaller neighbours, Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. India and Pakistan appear committed to their renewed dialogue.
The glaring exception to an otherwise generally positive picture is Afghanistan. All of Afghanistan's ethnic and religious groups must be part of a process leading to national reconciliation and a broadly representative government with help from the United Nations. The US has a longstanding policy of not supporting any group or individual in the Afghan conflict. We believe all factions share responsibility for Afghanistan's devastating problems. We have urged them to embrace a practical compromise so they can begin to rebuild their nation. We have also urged outside powers to refrain from fuelling conflict through supplying arms to the factions.
What is your opinion about the latest developments in India's relations with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan and Bangladesh?
After the honourable I.K. Gujral took office last summer as external affairs minister, he established a policy of greater cooperation with India's neighbours. As a result, Indian relations with Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have notably improved in the past year and several important agreements have been signed. The water sharing agreement with Bangladesh is of particular importance and we hope that its implementation will lead to even greater cooperation between India and Bangladesh. We are encouraged by the resumption of dialogue between India and Pakistan, especially in the face of domestic political uncertainty.
Given Gujral's role in the reduction of tensions, you would seem to be happy he is now prime minister.
I congratulate Mr Gujral on being chosen as the new prime minister. He is an exceptionally capable person who brings much wisdom and experience to the position. I wish him every success.
Would you say that frequent changes of government spell instability for India's foreign policy?
India's position in policy has been basically consistent through the past several years. To the degree that policy has evolved in the post-Cold War era—particularly with the 'Gujral Doctrine', it is fair to say that this evolution, too, is not partisan. If you take a close look at the foreign policy positions of the major parties, particularly after they have assumed office, the differences do not seem to indicate that a change in government would automatically cause disruption or increase tensions between India and other nations.
How do you view the future of Indo-US ties?
There appears to be growing sophistication in Washington and New Delhi about how to manage the US-India relationship and there is a strong recognition on both sides of the importance of close ties. I expect there will be differences on trade issues, a point of contention between many countries, and on our respective views of security concerns. I am confident, however, that the resolve to overcome these differences will remain strong on both sides and our relationship will continue to move forward.
Do you envision a scenario where the Kashmir issue is solved to the satisfaction of all concerned? And with the US helping in this effort?
While elections last fall in the Indian state of Kashmir will not resolve the dispute, they do provide an opportunity to begin a real dialogue between the Indian government and the Kashmiri people. I do not share the pessimistic view that the Kashmir dispute is insoluble. India and Pakistan need to find a way to talk about Kashmir and its future. They need seriously to take into account the views of the people of Kashmir. The US would be prepared to help if the two countries desired it and it looked to us like we could make a difference.
Any advice for your successor?
I would suggest that my successor travel to the region as soon as feasible, so that he can experience and enjoy the diverse and compelling cultures of South Asia. I would also advise him to be prepared for a fascinating and exciting experience. For South Asia has entered a period of far-reaching change.
